Nepali Times
From The Nepali Press
Loyalty to royalty

The latest move by the Communist Party of Nepal Unified Marxist-Leninist (UML) has proved how contradictory it is within itself. Once again, it is a partner in a reactionary coalition government. This is very much in line with the opportunist amendments in the world's history of communism, beginning with the times of Marx right up till the era of Mao, to oppose revolutionary movements and help reactionary forces.

Even during the ongoing 'people's war', the UML has been creating hurdles and illusions to support the reactionary state power. The party, which began calling itself Marxist-Leninist after the fall of Russia under the amendments by Khruschev, is now exposed because the illusions it once spread have shattered.

After the royal palace massacre, the hereditary monarchy ended, and the sun of republicanism rose over Nepal. For the institutionalisation of a republic, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) organised a meeting among all leftist political forces in Siliguri, India where a consensus was reached.

But the UML then backtracked and established itself as a broker for foreigners and feudalism. It also made its loyalty to royalty public. However, there had already been indications of the UML's true intentions in the past, like after the fall of the Sher Bahadur Deuba government almost 10 years ago, when the UML proved it had joined the reactionary forces by joining the government of the former mandale, Lokendra Bahadur Chand.

It even bowed to Indian expansionism and signed the anti-national Mahakali treaty in an attempt to stick to the state power. During Bam Deb Guatam's tenure as Home Minister, efforts were made to introduce the Terrorist and Destructive Acts Control Act, with the objective of quelling the revolutionary movement.

During the second Deuba innings, the UML played a pro-active role in declaring the state of emergency (a move that clearly targeted the Maoists), fixing bounties on Maoist leaders' heads and deploying the army against us.

Taking all this into account, the real question is: can the UML admit the deeds of its past and oppose the reactionary constitution and state power? Can it actually accept the causes of Marxism and Leninism and take up armed struggle? No way. It cannot do so because the party has already fallen both physically and in principle.

The constitution prepared after the historic people's movement was dubbed a "black constitution" by the then-Nepal Communist Party (Unity Centre), because it had so many irreversible provisions, even more than in the Panchayati constitution. Even then, the UML duped the common people because, although initially it admitted to having reservations about some provisions, it later accepted the constitution as a whole.

When King Gyanendra ousted Sher Bahadur Deuba in 2002 and Lokendra Bahadur Chand was appointed prime minister, the UML was sure it would be given the position of deputy prime minister. The UML's top brass had even donned daura suruwal and waited for the palace calls. It was only after the royal palace dropped the idea of taking UML on board that the kings' take-over became "regression" for the UML. Even after that, it submitted petitions at the royal palace several times to reach the state power.

The king used Article 127 to appoint Deuba as prime minister this time, which means a continuation of regression. And since the UML has joined the Deuba government, it too has become one of the king's pawns. It has forgotten the 18-point agenda it had signed together with the other four parties that are still agitating in the streets.

Finance Minister Bharat Mohan Adhikari is from the UML and used to brag that he would slash security and royal palace expenditure. It is he who sought the king's permission to continue the deployment of the army for the next six months and for the addition of two regional army bases. This is not how the problem will be solved. The reactionary forces are using the UML against the Maoists.

(11 JAN 2013 - 17 JAN 2013)