The birthplace of Lord Buddha is a sensitive issue here. Even learned Nepalis take offence when a writer is careless enough to refer to the Enlightened One as an 'Indian'. A similar sensitivity, however, is seldom shown towards the people who reside in the vicinity of present-day Lumbini.

Kapilbastu may lie within Nepal, but those who live there are not 'Nepalis' because they wear dhotis, speak Awadhi, and insist on observing local customs that are different from mainstream practices.

In the traditional definition of Nepali pan, no blurring of boundaries between cultural and political identities is allowed. The line between 'us' and 'them' is cast in stone. 'We' stands for people-like-us. The Panchayat slogan of 'One People, One Language, One Religion, and One System under the King" is still the mainstay of Nepali nationalism.

By and large, the framers of the 1991 constitution lifted the Panchayat definition of Nepali nationalism lock, stock, and barrel. The Nepali Congress and UML deserve credit for introducing democracy, but they must also share some of the blame for consciously and consistently refusing to recognise the inherent diversity of Nepali society. It took a totalitarian ideology to challenge the prevailing model of authoritarian nationalism. The risk that the medicine may turn out to be even more dangerous than the disease is very real.

It is astonishing that a totalitarian Maoist ideology appropriated the agenda of ethnic and tribal rights and monopolised it for so long. However, there are early signs of impending implosion.

Two militant ethnic groups, the Kirat Workers' Party (KWP) and the Madhesi National Front (MNF), announced on Monday that they have severed ties with the Maoists. It is very unlikely that a decision of this magnitude and danger was taken without contemplating its consequences. Like with most revolutionary groups, the Maoists brook no dissent and punishment is termination.

If this is not a ploy by Comrade Prachanda to keep his critics guessing, then his outfit has difficult days ahead. Withdrawal of support by the ethnic groups delegitimises the Maoists because they can't claim to be fighting for the rights of the marginalised (Janjatis) and the externalised (Madhesis) anymore.

Disillusionment of Madhesi Maoists with their predominantly Pahari central command had been festering. In private, Maoist cadres of Madhesi stock complain bitterly of their internal struggle to be accepted by party leaders. Publicly, Jaikrishna Goit's revolt is the first sign of rumblings in the rank and file of the Maoists.

So, what of the middle? Even though it is badly squeezed at present between the resurgent right and rampaging left, it is in the political middle that the true salvation lies. Ethnic identities that have a legitimate claim on Nepali nationalism must first ensure that their efforts are directed towards making it inclusive and democratic.

The political middle must reframe itself for the new realities of Nepal. The right resurgence is losing steam, left adventurism is doomed to fail. The centre must rise to the occasion and learn to assert itself by accepting the diversity of Nepali society and building an inclusive identity around it.

The moral of the story: the middle path is the only correct course for private life as well as public policy.