SUBHAS RAI |
When Baburam Bhattarai assumed office in November last year to head a coalition government with the Madhesi Front as partner, Nepalis were cautiously optimistic.
A desperate public, disillusioned with the fourth non-performing government in four years, with delays in the peace and constitution process were willing to give Bhattarai a chance. The public perception of him was that he was upright, he was a do-er, and he was different. After all, as a PhD finance minister during the Maoist tenure in office in 2008, he was credited with boosting state revenue and cracking down on tax evaders.
In November we had agreed that Bhattarai should be given the benefit of doubt because there was a chance that he would succeed where his predecessors failed. The international community was supportive, mainly because it saw no one else on the horizon to deliver on peace, constitution and stability. The Maoist party had to be a part of the solution, and Bhattarai was the most acceptable face among the Maoists. The prime minister immediately made some high-profile, symbolic gestures like inspecting toilets in Mugling restaurants, making the locally-assembled Mustang jeep his official car, and bulldozing half the city to widen roads.
Bhattarai had no illusions about the job. Hardliners within his party openly called him an Indian stooge, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal has done everything to undermine his deputy. The radicals were out to make Bhattarai look like a failure right from the beginning. Bhattarai had better relations with, and more cooperation from leaders of the NC and
UML than from the hotheads in his own party.
But things have started going badly wrong for Bhattarai. Maoist ministers have been treating the national exchequer as their personal piggy bank. The other big albatross around Bhattarai's neck has been the partnership with Madhesi members in the coalition. To accommodate all members of the Madhesi Front, he broke all previous records by swearing in the biggest government ever. It wasn't just the numbers, the ministers lacked competence, were immediately embroiled in controversies like the "pre-paid" kickbacks for transfers of police and civil servants.
Privately, Bhattarai has admitted to journalists that he knew what his ministers were up to no good, but that his priorities were peace and constitution and he needed to keep the government intact to reach that goal. But as the scandals pile up, Bhattarai himself has shown a woeful lack of maturity. Leaking the Chinese prime minister's visit date, saying he had "gambled" by signing an investment guarantee treaty with India, and that if Nepal wasn't careful it could be "merged" with our giant neighbours, are some examples.
While all this was grist for the opinion mills in the Nepali media, what eroded Bhattarai's popularity at the people's level this winter was his incapacity to deal with the fuel and gas crisis. We are used to shortages in this country because after a few weeks of long queues at fuel stations supplies usually resumed.
This time, there was no power, and no diesel for generators either. The fuel shortage has now lasted four months, and it seems like the Maoist supply minister is either unable or unwilling to resolve the crisis because he belongs to a Maoist faction out to prove the prime minister incompetent.
On assuming office, Bhattarai had extravagantly promised peace and constitution in "45 days". But the integration question is mired again in controversy, and with three months to go for a non-extendable deadline, the constitution is bogged down over disagreements on state restructuring and form of governance.
Our minds should now be focused once more on how to avert a constitutional crisis if the new constitution is not written by 31 May. Changing the prime minister now is not the priority, no matter whose "turn" it is. An all party government would have helped back in November, but now the extended haggling for portfolios is going to be another huge distraction and a gigantic waste of money.
Nepal's politics will be stormy in the coming months. The bottom line should be holding the ship of state steady, protect our democratic freedoms, and prevent a slide towards violent ethnic fragmentation.
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