MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA |
This week when Minister JP Gupta warned about severing ties with the state, it drew howls of protests. But he was not speaking his own mind, he was echoing the larger sentiment across the Tarai. If lawlessness, refusal to recognise the Madhesi identity and suspicious eyes of Kathmandu's hill establishment were not enough, state apathy towards the misery faced by the Madhesi people has pushed this constituency towards the tipping point.
The power struggle in Kathmandu makes headlines everyday, but this is in shameful contrast to how little people in the capital are aware of the woes of those living in the plains. There are hundreds of villages across 20 districts of the Madhes with no roads. There are villages right on the East West Highway that are not on the national grid. Few have drinking water and sanitation. Thousands of Madhesi youths have been denied education, and those who have gone to schools don't have jobs because they can't prove they belong to this land. Hundreds languish in jails, guilty or innocent, with no legal remedy because 'officially' they don't exist. With no hope for a better future, many have migrated or resort to cross-border crime.
Many in eastern Tarai froze to death this winter. But the fatalities were reduced to statistics in the media, the numbers masked the glaring ostracisation of a people who don't count because they are dirt poor. There is a gathering storm over the Madhes and choosing not to see will not wish it away. The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, which led the first and the second Madhes uprising has since disintegrated into three factions and there is a political vacuum in the Tarai. Public opinion polls have shown that the Tarai people are as disillusioned with their own leaders as the traditional rulers in Kathmandu.
Madhesi leaders including Gupta are themselves facing corruption charges and there is seething anger that in spite of being in power for most of the period since CA elections, Madhesi parties have done little to improve the lives of those they claim to represent.
Rajkishor Yadav of MJF-Republic admitted to me: "The political leadership including those in Madhesi parties have failed to even symbolically integrate Madhes with the Nepali state." While thousands of Maoist combatants are being integrated in the army as a political compromise, the state failed to appease Madhesis with even a symbolic gesture. The unreasonable delay in the implementation of the Inclusion Bill by the Public Service Commission is another case in point.
For a while, the fact that the president and vice-president were Madhesi diminished the anger in the plains, but many still see Nepali nationalism defined by the traditional Kathmandu rulers in daura suruwal. The humiliation of being called a traitor in your own land is something 65 percent of the population will never understand.
The burden of statelessness and exclusion is at the heart of the demand for 'One Madhes'. Leaders like Yadav admit that the Madhes may be embroiled in resource conflict with upstream provinces in a future federalist structure, but they find identity more important in the here and now.
The fault lines of ethnic politics are real and the bigger parties are faced with twin challenges of balancing issues of identity with maintaining social harmony. It may be relatively easy to address the demands of the agitating hill ethnic groups by ensuring radical changes in the state structure that grants autonomy.
But the real challenge is still what it was three years ago: can Kathmandu convince half this country's population which lives in the plains that they are not second-class citizens?
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