After the Maoists emerged as the largest party in the April 2008 elections, a garlanded and vermilioned Maoist chairman spoke to the media at the BICC. "This is not just a victory for our party," Pushpa Kamal Dahal said, "it is a victory for the Nepali people and it is a victory for peace."
That was when many thought Prachanda had made the final transformation in his metamorphosis to Pushpa Kamal Dahal. It was a magnanimous speech, Mandelaesque in its message and tone. As it turned out, Prime Minister Dahal instead of being a leader of all Nepalis, became just another party apartchik riding the personality cult of Prachanda Path. As time wore on, he turned into a tragic figure who had lost the trust of the other parties, Kathmandu's diplomatic corps (even those who hung to his every word), the governments of our two great neighbours, and also the most trusted allies within his own party.
Prachanda has no one to blame but himself. His chronic contradictions, compulsive lying, his deviousness and too-clever-by-half attitude finally did him in. All the wheeling-dealing, sneaking off to Bangkok and Singapore, exposed his naked ambition to get back to power by hook or by crook, and the nation be damned. He squandered his formidable power of oratory on petty name-calling, and threats. He never realised that after becoming victorious in the ballot he no longer needed to resort to the bullet.
It is still premature to write Pushpa Kamal Dahal's political obituary. In the past 20 years of being the supreme leader of his party, he has used his in-born craftiness to wriggle out of tight spots. He can still play the various factions off against each other, as he did by surprisingly proposing his rival and deputy, Baburam Bhattarai, as prime minister last week.
His other rival, Mohan Baidya is a serial splittist. Back in 1985 he did exactly what he is doing now to Dahal, when he launched a vitriolic attack on Mohan Bikram Singh accusing him of "anarchist individualism and rightist opportunism". But with his college mate Ram Bahadur Thapa and alter ego Narayan Kaji Shrestha both flirting with the opposition this week, Dahal's position as head of party is suddenly much shakier.
All this wouldn't have mattered much if the country wasn't in such a fragile state and the peace process wasn't so precarious. The nasty infighting within the Maoists adds another layer of complications in finding compromises on demobilisation of the cantonments and acceptable clauses in the new constitution. With his mentors at each other's throats Prime Minister Khanal seems to have forgotten all about the five-point agreement that he had promised to step down to make way for a unity government. And with these distractions, it isn't a surprise that the new budget is a wishy-washy, populist one designed to distribute cash to cronies.
the churning within the Maoists also indicates a necessary democratisation of a former underground party that waged war. The three-way rift should be easy to fix because it isn't ideological but a multiple personality clash between comrades and disaffection with Dahal's penchant to go it alone. (Proof of this is the unnatural and opportunistic alliance between Bhattarai and Baidya.)
At press time it looked like Dahal loyalists still commanded a majority in the central committee, but the Chairman should still take this as his cue to divest power. The party could then keep the eye on the ball and get on with proposing a candidate who can lead a national unity government, unblock integration once and for all, and help finalise a framework constitution by August-end.
New time frame, ANURAG ACHARYA
The clock is ticking, ANURAG ACHARYA
The Maoists have less than two months to resolve their internal rift and restart the peace process