Among the multiple battles that play out every day in Nepali politics �" between individuals, parties, identities, ideologies �" few are as critical to our future as the relationship between state and capital, and capital and labour. Several incidents in the past few weeks reflect how Nepali capitalism and the broader political society in which it operates are struggling to find the right equilibrium.
Bankers are unhappy with central bank regulations. Lawmakers are unhappy with how banks are owned and run, and would like to redirect the economy, both in terms of nomenclature and policies. Businesses complain that the state does not deliver on its part of the bargain by providing infrastructure, electricity, security and stability, yet expects productive investment. Government complains that most businesses cheat on tax returns, engage in illegal practices, and undermine rules, making tighter control necessary.
Ministries point out how foreign investors use external influence to bend rules. Investors say government agencies and parties make life miserable for them by using draconian laws despite inviting them to invest in the first place, and seek to extract benefits relentlessly. Labour is unhappy with pay in times of soaring inflation, and periodic outbursts through strikes and lockouts are fueled by unions. Capitalists say it is precisely these tactics that affects their bottom line even more adversely, diluting their capacity to create and spread wealth.
Add it up and it is indeed a mess, with direct negative consequences on revenue, employment, growth, social harmony, and political stability.
How does such a dysfunctional system �" laced with all the ingredients of conflict �" manage to sustain itself at all?
Counter intuitive as it may sound, it endures because of politicians and corruption.
Political leaders are the only ones who have a stake in and influence over the three elements that constitute our economic structure �" the state, businesses, and unions. They encourage conflict at times, for instance by encouraging unions to push aggressively for pay hikes, or when government tries to squeeze particular businesses. But they step in to prevent these battles from crossing a certain threshold because their interests are also tied to the private sector.
Capitalists fund their election campaigns, party jamborees, and personal expenses. There is a relentless stream of requests from politicians to big companies to provide jobs to their constituents. Key business leaders have links spreading across party lines, and play an active behind-the-scenes role in stitching alliances together. Many political leaders, including Maoists and UML stalwarts who are pushing for greater control of private capital, have invested their unaccounted for wealth in industries and the service sector, using other businessmen as frontmen.
Corruption undermines rules, but also mitigates conflict. Businessmen buy over key labour leaders in exchange for stopping protests. Ministers strike deals with new investors and go easy on rules or non-payment of loans by businesses to state institutions. In the districts, government budgets drive local economic activity across sectors, and politicians distribute funds to their favoured contractors in return for a cut �" as we will witness in the coming months as money trickles down from the centre and the pressure to spend increases before the fiscal year runs out.
This deeply distorted, ad hoc, and corrupt political-economic system has become normalised. It is these distortions and illicit networks that make it stable; otherwise there would be greater anarchy. Imagine if politicians and businesses were not collaborating in myriad ways; imagine if the rule of law was indeed strictly implemented �" which politician or private company would escape unscathed and what would the implications on the national economy be; imagine if there weren't informal mechanisms and mediators to resolve capital labour disputes outside of tribunals. This is no justification of how things are, merely an attempt to show how the system hasn't broken down despite the weak fundamentals.
If lawmakers try to alter the balance too drastically in favour of the state, there is a danger that business confidence will be further shaken and we will inherit the worst features of the license permit raj killing the entrepreneurial energy that Nepal witnessed post-1990. But the private sector, which remains dependent on government in multiple ways, would do well to recognise the new political realities, wherein a large section of the political class is uneasy about 'neo-liberalism', and prepare accordingly.
For now though, the balance of power indicates that neither the state or the capital is powerful or developed enough to dominate the other. The uneasy accommodation will continue, till a systemic crisis breaks the compact.
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