KIRAN PANDAY |
It is now becoming clear that Nepal's main political parties can only agree on one thing: postponing deadlines to keep disagreeing.
On May 28, when it looked like they couldn't do it any other way, they agreed to postpone the writing of a new constitution by one more year. Nearly three months later, nothing has been done on the constitution or the peace process, and the country is wedged between two prime ministerial candidates. Then on Tuesday, the chief whips of the three parties actually managed to agree to postpone voting for the fifth round till Sunday, because it looked like the deadlock would continue.
What this means is they can agree when push comes to shove. Although the leaders of the political parties believe this means they have five more days to horse-trade, it also means that there is more time to find a consensus candidate to lead an all-party government. By now, even the more die-hard proponents of majoritarian rule within the three parties have realised that this is just not going to work because their relative strengths in parliament cancel each other out. They also know that the endless elections are turning into a political farce, and public disenchantment is growing.
While the NC still hopes that it can get the UML and Madhesi leaders to issue whips to back Ram Chandra Poudel, both the kingmaker parties have been forced to remain 'neutral' if for no other reason than to keep themselves intact. The Maoist central committee has got the message, and says it is 'flexible' even though Chairman Dahal hasn't yet formally given up trying to improve his tally in the electoral arithmetic.
Nearly five years after the war ended and two years after the elections, this is what it has come down to. The lack of trust between the two political camps is so great that there is chronic failure to compromise, and hence no agreement on a consensus candidate for prime minister. On the surface it looks like a power struggle, and it seems to be driven by individual ambition. That is partly true. But at the root of the disagreement is a chasm between those who think an unreformed Maoist party wants to take the country down the path to totalitarianism, and the Maoist chairman's determination to be in power when the constitution is written.
If a trust deficit is the reason for this deadlock, the onus is on the Maoists to prove to the NC and UML, among others, that they are serious about metamorphosing into a legitimate mainstream political entity by demonstrating a commitment to fulfil the six demands. The NC and UML also have a responsibility to be less stubborn about keeping the largest party out of government.
The main ingredient of a consensus is compromise, not winner takes all.
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