There is an argument that we should all look the other way when the Maoists violate the rule of law because they are a former underground guerrilla force making a transition to democracy.

We have. For the past two-and-half years we have given the Maoists the benefit of the doubt for the sake of the peace process. But not once in that period have the Maoists demonstrated a commitment to abide by the rule of law, never has the word 'democracy' been uttered and let us remember that not once have they formally renounced violence. This is a party that wants to have it both ways and thinks it can fool all the people all the time.

Still, it is our responsibility to keep the party and the process on a peaceful trajectory, remembering that the alternative is a return to full-scale war.

Animosity between the NC and the Maoists is reaching a breaking point. The prime minister thinks the UML is behaving like an opposition party. The MJF appears to be on the verge of a split. This is tragic because the divide between the main constituents in the political process isn't too wide to be bridged.

The Maoists need to understand the NC's compulsions that makes the return of property seized during the conflict such a pivotal demand. The NC cadre bore the brunt of Maoist murders, beatings, confiscations and expulsions during the war.

But the kangresis must also understand that the Maoists have already distributed much of the confiscated property to the landless. The government can't afford to alienate this volatile group just when it has to compete with dozens of rampaging armed groups.

An impartial agency could find a middle ground. After all, resettlement of the landless is a common agenda of all political parties. Wherever appropriated land has been given away to political favourites, there is no alternative to their return to rightful owners. But if beneficiaries are the landless, a compensation scheme from the Peace Fund will have to be developed perhaps with help from the multilaterals.

Army integration is also not as intractable as it appears. The Nepal Army can't agree to mass recruitment of former guerrillas, and Prime Minister Dahal knows this. He has to figure out what to do with those who don't make it.
If it's any consolation, the prospects for peace looked even gloomier in December 2007. We need to revive the broad-based political consensus to get on with the job of writing the constitution in the coming year. We owe it to ourselves and we must prove again that we can do it.