Baburam Bhattarai would have been in Delhi for more than a day by the time this column appears, enough time for Delhi to make up its mind about whether Nepal's new prime minister fits with the kind of relationship it wants with its northern neighbor.
The thing about relationships, of course, is that they don't measure intimacy. The glass is never half-full or half-empty, and zero-sum games do not apply. Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar put it best some years ago when, musing about the state of the India-Nepal relations, he said poignantly: "I don't know whether India and Nepal are friends or enemies, all I know is that when it rains heavily in Nepal, the rivers in India are flooded. We are so intimately joined that cause and effect become irrelevant."
Nitish's understanding would have helped Delhi deal with Kathmandu. Except, ever since this government began to believe that 8 per cent economic growth was a short cut to regional power status, its relationship with its neighbours have taken a back seat. Ambassadors and high commissioners accredited across the region know about the need for nations to fall in line, and the Indian political class behaves as if the bureaucracy is beholden to them.
Bhattarai's visit is an opportunity for the Indian political class to rediscover itself. For better or for worse, politicians must take the lead in envisioning intimacies across the region. South Asia is a natural unit and it has already paid heavily for the violations wrought by little men like Radcliffe and Durand. In the run-up to the 200th anniversary of the Treaty of Sugauli in 2016, the subcontinent's elected leadership must take a call on what its priorities are for the region.
On top of the agenda for India and Nepal during this visit is the removal of suspicions and hostility. Is Baburam Bhattarai a fearful member of the Marxist-Leninist club which believes that it must bring about revolution from Tirupati to Pashupati? Or is he an Indian operative?
Ever since he was swron in, Bhattarai has tried to tell people he is a Nepali first and everything else later. His symbolic use of the Made-in-Nepal Mustang jeep and the donation of the per diem given to him for his trip to the UN are firm indicators that he is someone who wants to be seen as different. He has tried to jump start the peace process by returning the keys to arms containers to the Special Committee, it was an important gesture that unfortunately has not been followed up.
Then there are the statements to the Indian media that Nepal will protect Indian investments henceforth, and in fact treat them on par with domestic investors.
Clearly, Bhattarai needs help to show he can do it. There are indications that Delhi is willing to meet him more than half-way, even though the Indian establishment is wary of getting involved in Nepal's internal political dynamics. Should Delhi very cautiously nudge the Nepali Congress into supporting Bhattarai as he very much wants, thereby imparting stability to the Maoist leader's government?
It would be a good idea. First of all, no one buys Delhi's claim that it has decided to have a hands-off policy on Nepal. Every ambassador worth his salt, including the last one, Rakesh Sood, have had very strong views on how India should deal with Nepal. To be sure, that's what ambassadors are for: to give their home country an assessment on what's happening on the ground in the country they're accredited to.
Now, Delhi has always stated, usually in the context of Pakistan, that it will engage with whoever is in power in the neighbourhood. If that is true, then it has no option but to engage with Bhattarai, irrespective of what it does to the Mohan Baidya or Prachanda faction.
Delhi must do with Nepal what it has done with Afghanistan for some time now: help it economically to resolve its political problems. Whether it is helping write Nepal's Constitution, doubling or tripling the credit line to Nepal to $250 million, or help rehabilitate the Maoist cadres who cannot be assimilated into the army are all things India can easily do.
New Delhi should use the Bhattarai visit to show that India means well, and is willing to use its economic growth to put its money where its mouth is. Let us reinvent our intimate relationship with Nepal.
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New Nepal to New Delhi, EDITORIAL