RAJESH GURUNG |
NEW DELHI -- At the Poorvanchal Hostel in Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in the late-1970s, Baburam Bhattarai was a quiet student, working on his PhD. Older JNU-ites remember Poorvanchal as being a far-flung residence on the enormous campus, built to people the place, like an outpost of sorts. It soon coloured itself red, with the Students's Federation of India, the student wing of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), staking claim.
Remember this was the post-Emergency period in India's history, when the Janata Party was slowly destroying the dream, before Indira Gandhi made her comeback in 1980. All this much, much before Manmohan Singh tempted India's radical elite into forgetting that a certain revolution, both with or without the barrel of the gun, could transform India into a more egalitarian country, besides cushioning its own nest.
For the most part, Poorvanchal's radicals have abandoned the dream. Which is why Baburam Bhattarai must be complimented for staying with it, as must Sitaram Yechury and top CPM leader, Prakash Karat. What did it mean for these educated, intelligent men and women to refuse the attractions of a multi-national corporation or even a UN-style job, we will never know.
So here's yet another whimsical twist in the sub-continent's history: Bhattarai has become Nepal's fifth prime minister in four years and the first to send him greeting was a former teacher, Manmohan Singh. A free market reformer sends a dyed-in-red revolutionary warmest greetings, and a greater irony considering how Singh leads a government that is taking a hard line on India's own Maoists.
But even in Nepal, the enthusiasm for revolution has waned. Kathmandu, in fact, will always be one up on Delhi because it dared to push for a non-violent people's movement in 2006. Delhi can only rescue itself by hoping history will remember the consequential role it played in November 2005 when it brokered the 12-point agreement between the Maoists and an alliance of seven democratic parties, thereby allowing comrades like Bhattarai to come above ground and go for a ceasefire.
But what of the future? Bhattarai became prime minister the same week as another JNU alumni, Jayant Prasad, arrived in Kathmandu to be India's new ambassador to Nepal. He feels the pulse, not only because his father, Bimal Prasad, was India's first ambassador to Nepal after a previous people's movement of 1990. Back in Delhi, the joint secretary dealing with Nepal affairs at the External Affairs Ministry, always a crucial man in the way the Indian system functions, is Akhilesh Mishra. He also knows Nepal well because he served in Kathmandu in the late 1990s, during what is sometimes called the "golden period" under I K Gujral's prime ministership.
Meanwhile, check out Bhattarai's interview to some Indian journalists in late May, to give us a glimpse of what he thinks about the India-Nepal relationship. Asked by the Business Standard where things went wrong in India-Nepal relations, Bhattarai replied: "The problem lies with both of us �we were too ambitious, we thought we could do things on our own, while India underestimated our strength."
There's another gem that could have been written by the Indian prime minister, considering it echoes a favourite thought about how we can choose our friends and enemies, but not our neighbours. Asked what he thought of the Indian establishment, Bhattarai answered: "We can't change our neighbour. We have to depend on India, both economically and geographically. There is now some tacit understanding within our party in this regard."
Prophetic words, or simply lip-syncing in front of Indian journalists, hoping they are na�ve enough to believe him? I would bet on the former. Bhattarai knows that too much water has flowed down the Koshi and that in many ways, his prime ministership constitutes the last chance to improve living conditions at home. After all, isn't that the promise on which the Maoists came to power?
He also knows that he can't do this without India's help, especially since India is the roaring economic engine in the neighbourhood (Beijing is too far). Meanwhile, Jayant Prasad will likely keep his head down and volunteer India's help in doing whatever Nepal wants: whether in writing the constitution, in the integration of Maoist fighters into the Nepal army, in rehabilitating those who cannot be integrated, helping build multi-purpose projects on Nepal's many rivers.
It's a special relationship, and this is a fragile moment. Delhi seems to understand that, and will work with both the Maoists as well as a "constructive" NC-UML opposition in Nepal. The feeling here is that it is up to Nepalis to write Nepal's destiny, and for the moment Baburam Bhattarai seems very much a part of it.
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Keep the flame of truth burning, EDITORIAL
Peace or ceasefire?, ANURAG ACHARYA
Time to move beyond symbolism to real progress on integration and rehabilitation of ex-guerrillas
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Prime Minister Bhattarai may soon have a lot less to smile about