Having written every week for almost four years, except for a short interlude between September and November last year, this is my final column for Nepali Times. Kunda Dixit, and the then editor of the paper, Anagha Neelakantan, had generously invited me to comment regularly on the evolving politics of the Tarai in the middle of 2007. I was all of 23 then, and to have a political column in the best English weekly in the country was indeed a privilege.
A lot has happened since then, and my own writing has shifted from an exclusive focus on the Madhes to the churning in Kathmandu, and the international factors that shape domestic political outcomes.
At the risk of sounding defensive, I would like to use this final column to respond to the two key criticisms, among many, that I have faced over these years � in person, letters to the editor, and comments on the web.
The first criticism is of bias� that I am a closet Maoist, though the Maoists themselves would never consider me, or those sharing my class, caste, or educational background or political leanings, as one of them.
The Maoists represent the most important and complex political movement of our time. To have a simplistic black and white view about them is just foolish. This column has criticised Maoist high-handedness and violence; held it solely responsible when CA polls were postponed in November 2007; cautioned the Maoists while in government not to be adventurous, be it on the China front or the army; blasted Baidya and company for their absurd positions; repeatedly highlighted Dahal's weakness as a leader in not taking the bold, irreversible steps that would allay suspicions on the other side; and exposed Maoist hypocrisy on India.
But I do believe that the entry of the Maoists into the political structure has deepened Nepali democracy. The party has mobilised social groups that otherwise had little voice. It must be credited for the agenda of the republic, CA and inclusion. The 2006 People's Movement would have been impossible without them, and democrats who pretend to have done them a great favour forget that their own movement was confined to the vicinity of Ratna Park before the participation of the rebels.
While the Maoist model of the state is unacceptable, their presence offers us a chance to debate how to go beyond merely formalistic liberal democracy, which as we saw in the 1990s is a necessary but not sufficient system to address popular aspirations in this deeply unequal society. The last anti-Maoist coalition, conceived essentially by forces outside parliament, was a deep subversion of democratic norms � as is clear now, isolating the Maoists was neither sustainable nor intelligent as it only strengthened the dogmatists within.
But as the Maoists get 'mainstreamed', their degeneration has been rapid. The Maoist party is replicating the political culture and corrupt practices of the other parties, and it is slowly becoming disconnected from the changing aspirations of the new generation. The onus now is on them not to let their internal contradictions hold the country hostage, and to implement their commitments under the CPA.
The second criticism, somewhat paradoxically, is that I am an Indian 'agent', even though the Indians themselves think I am overly critical of their establishment. Partially, this view stems from my Madhesi background, and the fact that I often report from Delhi.
Delhi's hardline position on the Maoists, the designs to dissolve the CA to weaken them, the embassy's abrasive approach, and its efforts to micro-manage parties has been counterproductive for Nepal, as well as Indian interests here. Their short-term tactical moves risk pushing Nepal into another prolonged conflict, albeit of a different kind.
Nepal may be structurally dependent on India, but the resentment their recent policy line has generated
across the political class will manifest itself in different ways and haunt India in years to come.
While being critical of the present Indian line, however, I do believe Nepal's future lies in the continued integration of its citizens with the larger Indian economy. The open border largely benefits us, and in return, we should be firm on respecting India's security interests. As someone who studied and worked in Delhi, benefitted from it, and has family across the border like many in the Madhes, I cannot but be partial to our special relationship and would like to see it deepen.
But earning brickbats is an occupational hazard while contributing to public debates. Nepali Times has been truly democratic, never censoring a view even if it ran contrary to its editorial line. And while I have to move on for personal reasons, I will miss this paper's distinctive space, which gave me tremendous freedom and an opportunity to learn and grow. Thank you.
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