MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA |
Gilles Henry Garault: All 27 countries of the EU must ratify the Treaty of Lisbon before it can enter into force. Twenty of the 27 member states have done so in parliamentary processes. However, on 12 June, the treaty was rejected in a referendum in Ireland. But European institutions must continue to evolve to meet the demands of an enlarged Europe. The treaty still exists.
The French strategy during our presidency will be the same: take time to think the situation. The Irish people have voted, we are sorry they took the decision, but we respect their choice.
But doesn't the Irish vote and the referendum in Denmark, France and the Netherlands show that Europeans are concerned about the EU growing too fast?
I don't think so. Europe is not complicated: it is simply under construction. Europeans are well aware of this, since they place ever-greater demands on Europe in terms of the environment, climate, security and defence. Nevertheless, the house of Europe is clearly unfinished. Even if Europeans agree on Europe's main priorities, they still hesitate over its future, and sometimes simply change their minds or have to adapt to new circumstances. They may decide to change the purpose of a room or move around the furniture.
One of the core values of the EU is democracy, human rights and a free press. Yet, in the periphery of Europe we see these values threatened. What is being done to clean up Europe's own backyard?
Difficulties and tensions do exist with regards to the situation of human rights in the periphery of Europe. In Caucasian countries, Russia and Central Asia particularly, the respect of fundamental liberties and human rights are problematic. The EU, as part of the human rights component of the Common Security Policy, has developed specific tools to promote its core values in such peripheral countries. It has set up human rights dialogues, has had its seventh meeting with the Russian Federation on human rights last April. This was not only an opportunity to bring up freedom of speech and belief, freedom of press but also the situation in North Caucasus, including Chechnya.
An EU Central Asia strategy has been approved last year for human rights dialogues with five countries of this region. In Uzbekistan the EU imposed sanctions on arms trade and visas in 2005 and it started a human rights dialogue last year after which the situation has improved to a certain extent. The EU was the co-author of the resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly last year to denounce human rights violations in Belarus.
Yet, we see from examples of Burma and Zimbabwe that there is little the EU can do to help pro-democracy activists in those countries. It is not right to state that the EU is not an active and efficient supporter of pro-democracy activists or can do nothing to improve the situation in the Burma or Zimbabwe. We have issued many statements condemning the violation of human rights in these countries. Besides, these two countries are subject to EU sanctions.
The EU requested a special session on Burma of the Human Rights Council, which was held in December of 2007 and this event led to the adoption by consensus of a resolution condemning the harsh repression of peaceful Burmese demonstrators. We have also carried many demarches on Zimbabwe, we have clearly stated that the recent presidential elections were not free and fair. The EU is putting pressure on the current governments of these countries and I am sure we will see the results of these actions, at least in the medium and long term.
There are concerns in Nepal about the erosion of democratic values and press freedom. Do you share these concerns?
I have heard these fears being voiced, especially after the activities of Maoist trade unions in certain media. But you have to remember that democracy is only 55 years old in Nepal, and there have been many ups and downs. Of those 55 years there were only 25 years of real democracy. If you consider this history, it could be that democracy is not a unique concept. It may be too soon to speak about a threat to democracy and press freedom, we have to wait and see. But if there are any serious violations of democratic principles and press freedom, you can be sure that we will never hesitate to speak out against it.
Last month, you issued a statement on behalf of the EU condemning the arrest of Tibetan activists in Kathmandu. The Europeans seem not to want to understand Nepal's geopolitical reality.
We perfectly understand Nepal's geopolitical reality. But we are not asking something impossible, we simply want Nepal to adhere to international human rights principles and conventions of which it is a signatory in dealing with Tibetan activists. The media in France is full of images of police crackdowns in Kathmandu against protesters and there is strong public opinion against the arrests. France has never supported a Free Tibet, but there are certain norms of free speech and right to protest that have to be respected, whatever the circumstances are.
It is interesting that when tourist buses were vandalised and when the Chief Justice's car was smashed the police stood by and no one was arrested. And yet, the Nepali police are more firm towards the Tibetans.
France did not accept a Maoist-designated Nepali ambassador last year. What was the reason for that, and would there by any problems for the next ambassador designate?
We have absolutely no problems accepting a Maoist-designated ambassador. We draw the line at war criminals and people whose hands are covered in blood like the Khmer Rouge. In this particular case the ambassador was named two days before the Maoists left the government, and we took a wait-and-see approach. Then, elections were postponed, this was a bad signal. We waited some more. In December 2007, when the Maoists finally re-entered the government, the ambassador designate was appointed Minister of Women and Child Welfare. No one else was named in her place. We are still waiting. It's not a good thing for Nepal to not have an ambassador in Paris for two years.