I am not convinced by Pravin Rana's apple-with-apple comparison of the military in conflict places with Nepal's own (Guest Column, 'Loving to hate the NA', #300). The United States in World War II is hardly to be compared with Nepal and as a Colombian myself I dare say that $6.9 billion a year spent for the military only shows how much money, not to mention lives, can be wasted in a war.
That amount is only possible because Colombia is, after Israel, the second largest recipient of US money for military purposes, directed in principle to combat the drugs trade. Apart from other strings attached to it, Colombia is completely dependent on that money for any improvement in security the government wants to achieve. In spite of it all, the drug business has not decreased and the military is implicated in gross human rights violations. Although some improvement in security has been achieved by militarising roads and parts of the country in recent years, the conflict goes on and the country remains one of the most violent in
the world.
A peaceful way out is not in sight, at least for the next four years, since the president and the people who recently re-elected him still believe in a military solution. The guerrillas have ruled out any dialogue during his regime.
After watching with pain for the last eight years Nepal follow in the steps of Colombia, the recent developments in this country are,as my enthusiastic mails to friends in Colombia can give testimony, the most encouraging political changes I have ever witnessed. Now it is Nepal's example which has to be followed and not the other way round.
Karin Eichelkraut,
Dobhighat
. Re: Pravin Rana's Guest Column ('Loving to hate the NA', #300).
He has rightly conceded that hatred for the (R)NA is rife among intellectuals, civil society, media and the common people. But that it stems from their ignorance is anything but true. In fact, it is the army's own misdeeds that are to blame. Even though Mr Rana touts the NA as a messiah of democracy, I wonder how he analyses the royal coup, which would have never been possible without the military backing it to the hilt. The NA, notwithstanding the cosmetic change in its name, remains unaltered in its essence. It wasn't 'restrained' during the pro-democracy movement, soldiers opened fire at peaceful demonstrations in Pokhara, Jhapa, Banepa and Gulariya, killing and seriously injuring many. The claim that Nepal is not yet heavily militarised compared to other countries is premised on a spurious paradigm because it's not the number of arms or army per se but its use that is crucial. The incidents of Nuwakot, Belbari and Chisapani barrack, besides many others, are not just isolated events but a vivid reflection of the modus operandi of the NA that can be considered anything but 'professional'. Maoists certainly can't be sanctimonious either, but redeeming the NA just because it was fighting an insurgency is not acceptable.
Subhash Paudel,
Institute of Medicine, Maharajganj
. I do not agree with CK 'Pundit' Lal giving the benefit of doubt ('Fear of the future', #300) to our anarchic youth. If you act like an anarchist you are an anarchist--it is as simple as that. I agree that there is a need to create jobs for youths but forget pursuits that do not offer monetary benefits, they will not be attractive enough. The problem arises as Nepal's labour law is quite unfriendly for investors and this is made much worse by the Maoists' recent demands in Birganj. No sane person would ever think of investing in such an environment.
The proposed amendment to the labour act by the 'royalist' government was more industry-friendly and could have done magic. But, unfortunately, the 'new' government chose to throw the baby along with the bath water. Short sighted as it was, they chose to slaughter the goose for the sake of one meal.
Armugam Ananta,
Jawlakhel
. The leadership of the insurgent revolution has repeatedly declared its acceptance of any outcome of the constituent assembly, even a u-turn back to absolute monarchy. It has also clarified that a competitive multiparty system is not similar to the party system in western democracies-but in accordance with the socialist republic established by Prachanda Path. This is the latest version of militant Marxism-Leninism-Maoism enriched by the Latin American experience of Peru and Nicaragua. If the seven-party alliance understands competitive multiparty system differently, the implementation of the 12-point agreement may face serious confusion. Besides, the performance of the honourable members of the House of Representatives in the past 15 years has never been very rosy. The common people on the basis of their representatives' performance may not be comfortable entrusting them with their destiny. Instead, a fully new constitution jointly drafted by the parties and the Maoist leadership with the expert advice of the UN Office of the Commissioner on Human Rights and ratified by the common people through a national referendum would be the quickest, simplest and most risk-free road ahead. We thank you for your support to the people of Nepal in their struggle for peace, happiness and freedom.
Ravi Manandhar,
Kuleswor
. Re: your editorial 'From theocracy to democracy' (#300). Everyone has been saying that because of the recent changes the king has lost. On the contrary, it has presented King Gyanendra a golden oppurtunity to redeem himself in the public eye. If he sincerely sticks to his new duties and accepts the outcome of the constituent assembly polls, people will be willing to forgive him his past wrong deeds and he can go down in the history of Nepal as a prominent personality. The choice is his: does he want to be remembered as a tyrant or a statesman?
Sagar Sharma,
email
. Thank God ,we still have people like Chitra Lekha Yadav who do not believe that you need power and position to be a leader. ('Still speaking for women', #299) I salute you, Ms Yadav.
Sandhya Sharma Amatya,
email
