It's all getting a bit too ad hoc. Nepalis can't take this aimlessness for much longer. Stung by criticism that there had been "zero" achievement in 100 days of this administration, state-owned Gorkhapatra has come up with a long list of the administration\'s accomplishments: chasing corrupt officials, trying to begin negotiations with the Maoists, investing in rehabilitation of infrastructure. Yes, some members of the cabinet have taken genuinely bold moves to stem the rot in the lethargic government machinery. But these were interventions that were needed even during normal times. These are extraordinary times and the people expect extraordinary breakthroughs. Especially since we paid a heavy price for it: a dismantled parliament, a sacked elected government and dissolved local councils.
Instead, recent decisions by the government are so reminiscent of 1962 that even those who were willing to give the royal move the benefit of doubt are now beginning to suspect that 4 October was a regressive attempt to turn back the clock. How else does one interpret the signs: a grovelling government media, the appointment of a roving squad of trouble-shooters who are going to visit the 14 zones behaving like neo-anchaladishes. We've really come a full circle. Centralised partyless rule, to elected local self-governance, back to centralised partyless rule. Do we really need to swing between extremes all the time?
We can see no logic in the palace battling it out on two fronts: against the political parties and against the Maoists. The king has repeatedly stressed he is for a constitutional role for himself, for democracy and pluralism. All the parliamentary parties believe in the same values. So, where is the problem? Unless there is reason to doubt the sincerity of royal pronouncements, there is really no other way out of this impasse than for the fractious parties to first get together, and then jointly forge an alliance with the monarchy.
Instead, what we see is tough talk that is hardening positions, accumulating bad blood, spreading mistrust and pushing back chances of compromise. If this is all about power, then unless a deal is struck there will be no power to fight over. The Maoists, for their part, are sitting in the sidelines watching this show play itself out while gearing up for their anniversary fireworks next month.
The Girija Koirala Congress's decisions at its central committee meeting on Monday are unprecedented in scope, and puts the party in direct confrontation with the king. You could say the parties are just talking big to prevent the corruption watchdog coming after them for past misdeeds. But by calling for limits on royal titles, bringing the army under the purview of parliament and pushing a provision for referendum on national issues in the constitution, the party's position is now for all intents and purposes analogous to the Maoists. This has already radicalised the RPP and will put pressure on the UML ahead of its party convention in Janakpur next weekend to be even more critical of the king.
However, by formally declaring their positions the parties will have sent a clear signal to the Maoists: We have now gone as far as you, there can be no discussion on the preamble to the constitution, but let's sit down and talk about do-able changes.
The real problem, however, is that neither the palace nor the parties seem to want to hand over the peace dividend to the other. Instead of trying to prevent each other from reaping the rewards of restoring peace, the palace, parties and the Maoists must now cobble together a compromise. They don't have to agree on everything from the start, but they could stop the violence, create the right conditions for the peace process to begin, and give long-suffering Nepalis a reason to hope.
The prize is peace. Let's all share it.
